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LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 

863 BKOADWAY. 



J%^o. Ht. 



THE CAUSE OF THE WAR: 

WHO BROUGHT IT ON, 

AND 

FOE, WHAT PURPOSE? 



SPEECH OP COL. CHARLES ANDERSON, 

LATE OF TEXAS, 
NOW OF U. S. VOLUNTEERS. 



NEW YORK: 
"Wm. C. Bryant & Co.^ Printers, 41 Nassau St., cor. Liberty. 

1663. 



• 3 






THE CAUSE OF THE WAR. 



Mr. Andei^son being at home a short time, in Dayton, whero 
he resides, on account of illness, and having so far recovered as 
to be able to speak, the Xenia Union Club improved the op- 
portunity, and invited him to address a meeting on the 2d of 
May, 1SG3. A fine audience assembled, composed of the sub- 
stantial citizens of the city and vicinity, of all party predilec- 
tions, and among whom were many ladies. 

The chairman, in introducing Mr. Anderson, said a formal 
introduction was hardly necessary, as the speaker had often ap- 
peared before Xenia audiences in times past, extending over a 
period of twenty-five years, but since his last appearance here, 
he had seen and suffered much in connection with the enemies 
of our country, and what he had to say to-night would be based 
mainly on his own personal knowledge 'and experience. 

Mr. Andeksox, thus presented to his audience, said : 

It is true that many times, in years gone by, I have had the 
pleasure of addressing you, but never on an occasion like this ; 
and I trust the time will soon come v/hen we need no longer dwell 
on the sad scenes through which our country is passing. It is 
more than twenty-eight years since I first harangued the people 
of this town, and on a subject not' foreign to the present— the 
love of the Union, and the dangers which beset it. Many then 
thought that the doubts and fears, which, were natural to one 
who lo\ ed the Union as I did, were foolish and imaginary. And 
I think but h'w, if any, of us are even now waked up, after two 
years of war, to the great issue which is involved in the contest. 
I sometimes look upon human nature in dismay, to see how 
miduly we estimate our privileges, and how thoughtless we are 
of the dangers which beset us. It does even seem that the 
American people would not be surprised at the sound of the 



angel Gabriel's trumpet, but wculd go right along witb the or- 
dinary affairs of life, so soon do we become familiarized with 
scenes of danger and the impending ruin hanging over ns. For 
is it not true that there is a large body of the American people 
who have persuaded themselves that our country — I say our 
country, for, whatever they may say on the other side of Dixie, 
surely every man on this side is interested in the whole country, 
and still claims his right to an interest in the whole of it — is it 
not true that a large portion of our people, sensible enough on 
most subjects, have not, even now, a clear perception of the fact 
that this war is a contest between ourselves, for free gov- 
ernment, and another party which is striving to destroy us, and 
the interests of our children, and all generations to come after 
us ? which is endeavoring to destroy our free institutions, and 
everything which makes our country respectable, which makes 
property useful, which makes life vrorth the living 1 

■ OPrOSITION TO EEPUBLTCAN GOVEENIIENT. 

They say it is an Abolition war — a war carried on for the pur- 
pose of abolishing slavery. Such is the character given to it by 
men of the South, and it is repeated by those who sympathize 
with their cause in the North ; but, as I look at it, there is nothing 
in it but a simple contest between two great principles, which 
are utterly irreconcilable, which can no more exist together 
than fire and water. These principles are those of the free in- 
stitutions of Eepublican Government and those of Absolutism. 
A government by one ruling head is a form of absolute power ; 
military power is another form of absolute government ; another 
is, the power of an aristocracy, an oligarchy, and this is the 
form in which absolutism presents itself in opposition to us. 
An oligarchy is now openly fighting our free institutions. To 
my view the war is now as plain as any highway ; no tracks can 
be plainer ; they are made deep in the patli of history ; every 
claw of the beast is as plain to me as the tracks of the savage 
wild beasts are to the experienced hunter. Tbe princij^le of an 
oligarchical government, which is the most absolute form of 
absolutism, aud the very worst, is engaged in a life contest with 



that State, one of which requires them to use their influence in 
procuring an adjournment of this body to the 4th of April 
next. It is the wish of that State that opportunity may bo 
given for full consideration of any Constitutional amendment 
that may be proposed here, and especially to avoid precipitate 
action under apprehensions of resistance to the inauguration of 
Mr. Lincoln on the 4th of next month. 

I have already submitted resolutions in accordance with the 
views of the Legislature, and intended, at the proper time, to 
ask a vote upou the proposed adjournment. On consultation 
"with my coUegues, however, I find a majority of them averse 
to postponement ; and, in view of the fact that the resolution 
of the Legislature is not imperative in its terms, and especially 
in consideration of the assurances constantly given here by dele- 
gates from Slaveholding States that, whatever may be the re- 
sult of our deliberations, no obstruction or hindrance will be 
opposed to the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, I have determined 
to forbear urging a vote. 

Upon the respective merits of the propositions of the Com- 
mittee, and the proposed amendments; I have not nmch to say. 
But what I do say will be said in all seriousness. 

I do not approve the confident pledges made here of favor- 
able action by the people of either section, or of any State upon 
whatever propositions may receive the sanction of this confer- 
ence. The people of the Free States, so far as my observation 
goes, do not commit their right of judgment to any body. They 
generally exercise it themselves, and be assured they will ex- 
ercise it freely upon any proposition coming from this body. 
Whatever our action may be here, every proposition to amend 
tlie Constitution must come before the people. They will dis- 
cuss it, and must adopt it before it can become a part of the 
fundamental law. Dismiss, then, the idea that all that is neces- 
sary to secure amendments acceptable to a particular interest 
or section is to secure for them the sanction of a majority in this 
hall. 

The result of the national canvass which recently terminated 
in the election of Mr. Lincoln has been spoken of by some as 
the effect of a sudden impulse, or of some irregular excitement 
of the pooula-r mind • and it has been somewhat confidently as- 



serted that, upon reflection and consideration, the hastily-formed 
opinions which brought about tliat election vvill be changed. 
It has been said also that subordinate questions of local and 
temporary character have augmented the Republican vote, and 
secured a majority which could not have been obtained upon 
the national questions involved in the respective platforms of 
the parties which divide the country. 

I cannot take this view of the result of the Presidential elec- 
tion. I believe, and the belief amounts to absolute conviction, 
that the election must be regarded as a triumph of principles 
cherished in the hearts of the people of the Free States. These 
principles, it is true, were originally asserted by a small party 
only. But, after years of discussion, they have, by their own 
value, their own intrinsic soundness, obtained the deliberate 
and unalterable sanction of the people's judgment. 

Chief among these principles is the Eestriction of Slavery 
within State limits ; not war upon Slavery within those limits, 
but fixed opposition to its extension beyond them. Mr. Lin- 
coln was the candidate of the people opposed to the extension 
of Slavery. AVe have elected him. After many years of 
earnest advocacy and of severe trial, wo have achieved the 
triumph of that principle. By a fair and unquestionable ma- 
jority, we have secured that triumph. Do you think we, who 
represent this majority, will throw it away ? Do you think the 
people would sustain us if we undertook to throw it away ? I 
must speak to you plainly, gentlemen of the South. It is not in 
my heart to deceive j^ou. I therefore tell you explicitly that if 
we of the North and West would consent to throw away all 
that has been gained in the recent triumph of our principles, 
the people would not sustain us, and so the consent would 
avail you nothing And I must tell you further, that under no 
inducements whatever will we consent to surrender a principle 
which we believe to be so sound and so important as that of 
restricting Slavery within State limits. 

There are some things, however, which I think the people 
are willing to do. In all my relations with them, and these 
relations have been somewhat intimate, I have never discov- 
ered any desire or inclination on the part of any considerable 
number, to interfere with the institution of Slavery within the 



North, for being imposed upon by admitting any doubt on this 
question. 

What did tbey threaten to rebel for in 1820 ? Because Con- 
gress refused to give to Missouri representation for three-fifth3 
of her slaves — to allow the people of the forthcoming new- 
State to count three-fifths of their negro property as equal to a 
corresponding whole number of free white citizens in your free 
State of Ohio — to give to fifty thousand Missouri slaves the same 
political power as thirty thousand of your citizens possess who 
are a part of the Government. And this notwithstanding the 
fact that if you go bact of that claim you will find — and they 
don't deny it themselves — that the fathers who made our Con- 
stitution never intended to have a new slave State. They con- 
tended that in those days the fathers of this Government were 
under a delusion — that they were not so wise as their descend- 
ants on this subject of slavery. But it is a fact that they actu- 
ally limited, forever, by solemn compact, the bounds of slavery ; 
it was not to be extended into any of the territory which the 
nation owned or ever expected to own. Still, they have gone 
on, from that starting-point, that slavery was to be restricted, 
and ultimately exterminated, and added slave State after slave 
State, purchasing land to do so, in violation of the Constitution. 
I don't say this on my own opinion merely ; I state it on the 
authority of sound and indisputable Democratic statesmanship. 
Mr. Jefterson, the father of Democracy, admitted that the pur- 
chase of Louisiana, or the admission of any more slave territory, 
was unconstitutional. Notwithstanding this, the South added 
slave State after slave State, purchasing land unconstitutionally, 
while they could, and, when that method failed, turning high- 
way robber, and assaulting a weaker power, stole from Mexico 
territory enough to still bring in a slave State for every free 
State admitted. I hope I don't give ofi'ence to my " Democratic" 
friends, and I don't care much if I do. [Applause and laugh- 
ter.] 

I said awhile ago that you ought to blush for being imposed 
upon with falsehoods, when the clear pages of history contra- 
dicted them; but you ought much more to blush for admitting 
that all this was right. Kight, that in a Democratic, republi- 
can Government the minority shall forever keep even with the 



8 

majority 1 Right, that territory which was consecrated to free, 
dom shall be given to slavery ? Eight, that, to extend slavery, 
which was limited by the fathers of the Government, land should 
be unconstitutionally obtained, and even stolen and fought for? 
Eight, to do all this in order to allow slavery to keep even with 
freedom ? I must admit that I am sometimes dismayed, not to 
say terrified, at this evidence of our unfitness for self-govern- 
ment. 

HOW THE SOUTH HAS KULED THE NATION. 

In 1820, when the South first menaced us with disunion, and 
before an Abolition petition had been presented, what was the 
account between the two sections ? I reckon my Democratic 
friends will not deny that this was intended to be a Eepublican 
Government, in which all the States should enjoy equal rights 
and possess equal opportunities for filling its offices. But what 
was the result ? In 1820 we had elected Presidents who had 
served thirty-six years. Of these, Washington, a slaveholder, 
had served eight ; Jefi'erson, a slaveholder, eight years ; Madi- 
son, a slaveholder, eight years; Monroe, a slaveholder, eight 
years ; making a total of thirty-two years, which a minority 
had controlled a Eepublican Government, while the majority 
had control of it only four years, under John Adams. Such 
was the result in a Eepublican Government, where the majority 
is intended and ought to rule ; and that result was brought 
about by the force of that institution in relation to which a pro- 
vision was incorporated in the Constitution, allowing slave 
property to liave a representative power in the Government. 
And because this oligarchical power, having ruled the nation 
since its organization in the proportion of thirty-two to four 
years demanded admissions and compromises which would 
secure to it a continuance of the monopoly, and was refused, it 
rebelled and began war upon us. And yet they make the pre- 
tence, and it is believed by some of you, that the war was 
brought on because some persons in the North interfered wiih 
their slave interests in their own States. 



Lincoln's administration and slavery. 

South Carolina had no more fear of the Lincoln Administra- 
tion disturbing her slaves, than she had fears that I would in- 
terfere with the Government of any set of children that belongs 
to any wedded pair in this house. As to fugitive slaves, you 
know that the very States which lost their slaves by their es- 
caping to the North, were those which shuddered at the idea of 
dissolution, and had to be driven to it, so far as they yielded to 
it at all ; and those which proposed and urged secession, are 
the States which never lost slaves iu this way at all. And, put 
them all together, they never lost as much property in this way 
as Northern farmers and manufacturers do by the ordinary de- 
struction of the machinery they employ instead of slave-labor. 

The real fact is, that all the time the purpose has been to 
change our Government from a Republic, in which the majority 
rules, to an oligarchy, where the minority rules ; and slavery 
only became connected with the question, because they were 
ruling you by the influence of three-fifths of their slaves. They 
call me an Abolitionist now, but I don't vex myself on that 
account any more than I do on account of the miseries of the 
slaves. I know all about them ; I know the evil of slavery, 
for I have felt it since the day I was born, and have studied it all 
my life. Consequently, I presume I abhor it worse tlian any of 
you. But while legitimately in the Union, I would tolerate it as I 
would tolerate a cancer in the heart. But, with the knowledge 
that there are a million of men arrayed with arms to break down 
my Government and your Government, and that slavery is held 
up as a barrier for their protection and defense, what does the 
cry of Abolition amount to ? What is the destruction of slavery, 
compared with the perpetuity of the peace and prosperity of all 
the people of this nation for all time to come ? Ask me to pro- 
tect that shield, that black shield of slavery — say to me that I 
must turn my sword aside, and let it fall harmless before this 
bulwark of the enemy ! It is all sheer cant and hypocrisy. 
No man is so depraved in his heart not to say, that though 
I might tolerate slavery in the Union for the sake of the 
Union, yet, when I am fighting the battles of the Union, 
and it becomes a shield of defense to treason, a weapon of 



10 

destruction to tlio EepiiMic, tlie very principle which made 
me tolerate it then, would make me stamp it under foot now ! 
[Great applause.] 

I suppose I am called upon to respect the slavery of Cuba, 
or of Brazil, in our relations with those countries in time of 
peace ; but, let Cuba become involved in war with us, or sup- 
pose Brazil at your throat, would you have me be so very care- 
ful of the slave interests of those countries ? Certainly not ; 
and I tell you that I would liave far more respect for, and would 
show more forbearance toward, the slaves of Cuba, in a war 
with us, than I would toward the slaves of any rebel to his 
government, from Jeff. Davis down. [Applause.] And I tell 
you another truth, that no man who has an honest heart, or a 
natural love for his own home, his own family, and of that 
greater blessing for which he loves them all, his country, but 
must entertain the same sentiments. Away, then, with this cant 
of Abolitionism ! It is only a sham, an empty pretence. 

As to peace, which the Bible says is a good that passetb all 
understanding, I would be willing to endure a great deal to 
bring about a true and lasting peace ; but as long as that peo- 
ple stand out against the Union,, they must never come to me, 
a Union man — a man having no other religion than a love of 
Union — and ask me to withhold a blow aimed at them and 
theirs, slavery included. 

SLAVEKY THE LOSEE BY DISUNION. 

Does the South expect the people of the North to be so craven 
that, when their country is gone, their nationality lost, divided 
and subject to war in all the generations to come, they will be 
more abjectly servile than any other people on the globe ? Do 
they expect that when they have made a foreign country of the 
North, it will be more forbearing of their evil than the rest of 
the nations of the earth ? How has it been with England ? do 
they ever get runaway negroes from her ? I never heard of but 
one man who had so little sense as to go to Canada to recover 
runaway slaves, and he was a cousin of mine. [Laughter.] He 
laid all his traps well to catch him, and walked into his shop, 
where his " boy " greeted him with, " Why, God bless you ! 
Master Charles, how is you ! Sit down and let me shave you," 
He knew there was no danger, and he remained there. 



11, 

Is there any slaveholder who does not know that every Chris- 
tum nation abhors shxverv, and that it will protect the fugitive 
against the pursuer? What insanity, th.erefore, for them to 
think of making a foreign nation on tlieir borders ! As long as 
I am on this side of the line^-and 1 came here to be on this 
side, althougli I could have flourished down there as well as 
any of them — they never can persuade me to respect their in- 
stitution of slavery in that pretended foreign country. When 
my native State becomes foreign to me, I am foreign to it ; 
whenever it becomes a foreign enemy to my State of Ohio. I 
am a foreign enemy to it, and to every man in it, and to every 
interest in it, and especially to the interest of slavery. If that 
be Abolitionism, make the most of it. I am that kind of a 
Union man. [Voices : " So am I," " and I," " and I."] And 
so is every man who has brains and heart, I don't care who ho 
is. 

THE TTEANNY OF AN ARISTOCRACY. 

Mr. Anderson then briefly sketched the domineering course 
of Southern statesmen, in the chain of compromises by which 
they compelled the North to foster their peculiar institution, 
and to give them the controlling influence in the government. 
They lived by these compromises only so long as they served 
their purposes, when they discarded them and demanded new- 
ones. In the last speech of South Carolina, delivered to the 
nation on retiring from the halls of CongrccS, her representative 
said, You may do what you please, but you can't dispute the 
fact that the South has governed this country sixty out of the 
seventy-two years of its history. Everything indicates that 
their desiie and determination was to rule, and ultimately to 
govern this country by an oligarchy. 

I need not, in this discussion, say anything about our repub- 
lican form of Government. But how is it with theirs ? It m 
the meanest of all Governments. I know there are people in 
Ohio wiio talk about " States Eights," and rights based upon 
slavery, and who would like to have Jeff. Davis' dominions ex- 
tended over them ; but I want to know if the facts are not 
these : that the wisest writer on Government, in 'giving the 
qualities of different Governments, describes them thus : " The 



Ife 



strongest form of Government is in the Monarchy ; the most 
honest, the Kepublic ; the most cunning and most selfish, the 
Aristocracy ?" Whenever you give to a few men special priv- 
ileges — and that is the trouble in our contest with the slave 
States — they are seeking special privileges in regard to their 
slaves — when you give to any man an advantage in railroad or 
other corporations, they will take more special care of that in- 
terest than of any other. The slave States, having a privileged 
property, they are more diligent to expand it and seek for it 
protection, than men owning ordinary property. The nobleman 
stands by his badge because it is a badge, and not from its in- 
herent worth, for the reason that it is a special privilege which 
only sixty out of sixty millions can wear. 

Does every man not know that the most fearful tyrannies 
of the world are aristocracies ? There is no tyranny so re- 
morseless as this very form of government now seeking to 
throttle your national life. I have made some observations in 
regard to this form of government, having been twice to Europe, 
and to Asia and Africa once. I have suffered a little in the 
way of imprisonment ; have seen considerable of the workings 
of absolute government in Turkey, Austria, and elsewhere ; and 
I tell you that I have never in my life seen so unmitigated a 
despotism as the Government of the Confederate States. There 
is no government on the earth that has the power, or which uses 
it more remorselessly on independence of thought and action, 
than that of Jeff. Davis and his miserable cable of villains con- 
gregated at Richmond. For months and months, in the early 
stages of the rebellion, there was no freedom to oppose those 
who favored it. Look at the vote Texas and Louisiana gave for 
the Union ; but what became of those thousands of Union men ? 
It could not bo possible they were all honestly converted to 
secession. No, they were subjugated, crushed down by the 
reign of terror which then existed, and has continued to exist 
to this day. 

People are distressed here about a few arrests that have been 
made by the " tyrant Lincoln," and about not allowing free 
speech and a free press ; but this is the mild restraint of a few 
dangerous traitors for a brief period. There is no comparison 
between them. How is it down yonder? There is no State, 



13 

except one, I believe, which has not dictated to the farmer what 
he shall sow, and plant, and reap. I tell you, my friends, you 
would think very differently of your Government if it should 
forbid your planting this crop or that, and say so much of your 
grain should belong to the Government ; but this is what the 
new and better government of the South is doing. And, re- 
member, that they are the Democracy of the country, and that 
those who arrogantly call themselves Democrats up here among 
you sympathize with them, that they may once more unite with 
them, and govern the country. 

THE EAGE BETWEEN FREEDOM AND SLAVERY. 

The result of the contest between the principles of freedom 
and of absolutism amounts to simply this : they of the oligarch- 
ical persuasion modestly ask our people, in this race, to be 
handicapped. Excuse my illustration ; I always try to com- 
pare everything by the horse, for he is an animal I am extremely 
fond of, and in days gone by was familiar with racing customs. 
" Handicapping" consists in equalizing the ability of horses 
about to run a race ; that is, it is a trick by which, if your horse 
is twice as fast as mine, twice as much weight is put upon him 
as upon mine. Thus, if I should enter a mule or a jackass 
against your fleet horse, the game would be to put but a few 
pounds on the jackass, and a hundred pounds on your^ swift 
courser, so as to enable the jackass to keep up. Now, in this 
nineteenth century of the Christian era the plain proposition of 
these Southern people is, that you shall let down the education- 
al standard of the North, your religion, your industry, your 
enterprise, your democratic principles, your freedom, until you 
shall be handicapped to the rate of speed, at which the misbe- 
gotten, rickety, blind institution of slavery can travel. [Great 
applause and laughter.] Is it anything else? You may state 
the subject, and argue the question anew, until you grow gray, 
and the result will be the same— they demand that you shall be 
handicfapped and hamstrung down to their capacity to keep even 
with you, that the minority shall always be equal to the ma- 
Mr. Anderson then referred to his experiences with the K. G. 
C.'s in Texas, in which they boldly admitted that this was the 



u 



nature of the contest, and proclaimed their superior qualifica- 
tions, and their determination to rule. The politicians of the 
South — the leaders in the rebellion — unblushingly declare that 
free institutions have been tried and found wanting. Is this the 
principle that the Democracy of Ohio feel themselves bound 
to sympathize with, and are these the men whose peculiar rights 
they ask us to respect ? If so, and they are ready to fight and 
die for them, as they declare they are, the sooner they die the 
better, but let it be by hanging ! [Applause.] 

THE EIGHT OF THE SOUTH TO GOVERN THE NOETH. 

The speaker, having shown by the history of events, by the 
uniform conduct of the South toward the North, and by the 
character of the so-called Confederate Government, their dis- 
position to rule, and to make the Government conform to their 
wishes, proceeded to close his remarks by substantiating liis 
positions, from the words of a leading Southern author, who 
wrote in the Southern Literary Messenger, and who was indorsed 
by the conductors of the Plantatiori^ the onl}'- Quarterly of the 
South, in which his article was republished in September, 1860. 
The writer says : 

" A contest of rac& exists at present, between the people of 
this Government. The postulate, then, now sought to be estab- 
lished is, that tlie Southern people in the main — in other words 
the representative blood of the South — comes of that branch of 
the hilman race which, at this time, controls all the enlightened 
nations of the earth." " That stand-point is to be found, and 
we think only to be found, in the ethnological superiority of that 
race to which the Southern people, in the main, belong, their 
particular capacity for executive control and ther control of this 
particular institution of slavery." " The Puritans, at home, 
constituted, as a class, the common people of England. * * * 
But, so little of that, which it pleases us to speak of as executive 
capacity did they possess, tliat after the death of Cromwell 
there seemed to be left nothing of the element of control ; 

* * * the result of which was a peaceful relapse of the 
whole people into their former subjection to the Norman rule." 



15 



Speaking of the Nortliern people, tlie descendants of these 
Puritans, the writer says : 

" Being inherently destitute of capacity for control, they are 
unahle to wibue their legislation with those elements which covi- 
mand obedience. * * * On the contrary, the South- 
ern mind, when left to its normal working, is disposed to quiet 
and to gentleness, coming to conclusions by the almost instinct- 
ive application of the simplest rules ; yet, when roused to 
action, capable of almost incredible effort, and equal to the 
highest flight of genius. Naturally generous. Southerners exei" 
cise much forbearance, till the question of honor is raised, and 
then they rush to the sword ; accustomed to enforce obedience 
■when it is due, they readily yield it when their position and 
duty require it ; fierce and fearless in a contest, yet just, gener- 
ous and gentle in command, they 2^^ssess every qualify neces- 
sary to rule the Northern people. * * The Northern 
people have many great traits of character and intellect, * * 
still they require control, and the Soutliern people of this coun- 
try possess the capacity, the position and the power to do so, if 
they are only true to themselves." 

This capacity of the Southern people to rule, says the writer, 
comes from the fact that " the Southern States were settled and 
governed, in a great measure, under the supervision of the 
Crown, immediately by and under the direction of persons be- 
longing to the blood and race of the reigning family, and be- 
longed to that stock recognized as cavalieks, who were the 
royalists in the time of Charles I. The Southern people come 
of that race, who, to-day, sit upon all the thrones of enlightened 
Europe, and give law to the millions, "^hey are of that race 
•who have established law, order, and government over the 
earth. They come of that race to vi^hom law and order, 
obedience and command, are convertible terms, and who do 
command, the world over, whether the subject be African or 
Caucasion, Celt or Saxon." 

Now, a thought or two and I will close. With these claims 
of a natural right of race and blood to rule the people of the 
North, they have what? The sympathy of that portion of the 
people of the North calling themseves Democrats. Is this 
Democracy ? It is not Democracy of better days ; it is not the 



>-vi»<jrvtoo 



16 



012 028 294 3JP 



Democracy of Jackson, but the spurious sentiment of Callioun, 
wlio stole the name with which to christen his own anti-repub- 
lican notions. 

I end as I began. This contest is actual war; it is a conflict 
between republican freedom and the assumption of an oligarchy 
to rule over us. Shall I sympathize with them ? Shall I for- 
bear toward them ? Never while powder will inflame, lead be 
made to fly, or steel to cut. I would as soon spare an adder's 
fangs. You call this cruelty? It is the cruelty which made 
martyrs of the early Christian fathers ; it made heroes of our 
Revolutionary fathers. Sacrifice ? Sacrifice everything rather 
than submit yourselves slaves. Suffer ? Suffer all, rather than 
descend from freedom to become menials and serfs to heartless 
masters. Others may do differently, but I shall be slow to be- 
lieve there are many on this side of the line who will stand out, 
in action, word, or sympathy, when they understand all the 
truth, for the oligarchy of the South. 



[J^^ Loyal Leagv^s^ Clubs, or Individuals may obtain any 
'qf our PvMiGations at the cost price^ by application to the 
Executive Committed or by calling at the Rooms of the Society, 
JVo. 863 Broadway, v^hera all information may be obtained 
relating to the Society. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 





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